Afghanistan: Not one more cent!

We have given to the Afghan government and people, over $60 billion.

Not one more cent.  Not a penny.  Not a farthling. Not a Half-Penny.  Not ... anything.

Hopeless Afghan struggle to save boy sex slaves

Anuj CHOPRA

19 December 2016

Quivering with quiet rage, Shirin holds a photo of his teenage brother-in-law, who now lives as the plaything of policemen, just one victim of a hidden epidemic of kidnappings of young boys for institutionalised sexual slavery in Afghanistan.

Shirin is among 13 families AFP traced and interviewed across three Afghan provinces who said their children were taken for the pervasive practice of "bacha bazi", or paedophilic exploitation, in Western-backed security forces.

Their testimonies shine a rare spotlight on the anguished, solitary struggles to free sons, nephews and cousins from a tradition of culturally-sanctioned enslavement and rape.

Shirin recalled how his 13-year-old brother-in-law screamed and writhed as he was taken from his home earlier this year by a police commander in southern Helmand.

"When I begged for his release, his men pointed their guns and said: 'Do you want your family to die? Forget your boy'," Shirin told AFP in Lashkar Gah.

"Our boys are openly abducted for bacha bazi. Where should we go for help? The Taliban?"

The heart-wrenching stories, mostly from Helmand but also from neighbouring Uruzgan and northern Baghlan, were revealed after AFP reported in June how the Taliban are exploiting bacha bazi in police ranks to mount deadly insider attacks.

The report, denied by the insurgents, prompted an Afghan government investigation.

AFP is withholding the names of the victims and the accused police commanders as many of the boys are still being held captive.

- 'Crazed with grief' -

A common theme in the testimonies collected from stricken families was that of helplessness. Their boys were mostly abducted in broad daylight; from their homes, opium farms and playgrounds.

Once taken captive, they can be shuffled among police checkpoints, complicating efforts to trace them.

Sometimes they emerge into the open as policemen flaunt their spoils.

For fathers like Sardarwali, the crushed hope of such an encounter is almost too much to bear.

After months of fruitless searching, he caught a glimpse of his kidnapped son in a crowded marketplace in Helmand's Gereshk district.

The child -- a slight boy who loved nothing better than playing with his siblings -- was dressed in a fine embroidered tunic and wore a bejewelled skull cap.

Sardarwali was desperate to reach out to his son, to hold him -- but did not dare approach the bevy of policemen that surrounded him.

"I watched him disappear into the distance," Sardarwali said.

"His mother is crazed with grief. She cannot stop crying: 'We have lost our son forever.'"

Parents' agony of losing a child to sexual slavery is compounded by concerns that in captivity their boys will become addicted to the opiates some are given to make them submissive.

Worse still, many fear they could be taken to reinforce frontlines, where police are suffering record casualties in their fight against the Taliban.

Or -- as one Helmand family shockingly discovered –- get killed in the crossfire as insurgents over-run the checkpoints where they are held.

Still, some families take grim solace in the knowledge they are not alone. Their villages are full of bacha bazi victims, many discarded when their beards begin to show.

- 'Unconscionable' -

Bacha bazi has seen a chilling resurgence in post-Taliban Afghanistan, where it is not widely perceived as homosexual or un-Islamic behaviour.

Young boys dressed effeminately have an ornamental value in a society where the genders are tightly corralled. Their possession is a mark of social status, power and masculinity.

The practice has spurred a violent culture of one-upmanship within police ranks, as officers jealously compete to snatch the most beautiful boys, said a former top Helmand security official.

"Often the only escape for enslaved bachas is to make a deal with the Taliban: 'Liberate me and I will help you get my abuser's head and weapons'," the official said, referring to insider attacks.

The Afghan government has said it has zero tolerance for child abusers in security ranks.

[Really, so is that why several high ranking members of the previous administration have been directly implicated in this behavior!]

 

But Uruzgan government spokesman Dost Mohammad Nayab acknowledged nearly every provincial checkpoint had a bacha. He fears any move to extricate them could see angry policemen abandoning their posts, paving the way for the Taliban.

"It is difficult to separate policemen from their bachas in this security situation," Nayab said, explaining that police serve as a pivotal first line of defence against insurgents.

The Taliban

This administration (in the US) started off in December 2008, with an overture to the Taliban - make peace with us and let us leave your god-forsaken rock.  Obama wanted out very badly, still does.  Damn all the indications the Taliban has not reformed.  Just make the deal and let us escape from that hole.

Why should we remain.  I am not certain we should, but we should be quite sure what we leave in charge of that place and the people, and make no mistake we are not dealing with civilization or a civilized people.

19 June 2002

ZARMINA'S STORY

From Anton Antonowicz In Kabul

http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/allnews/page.cfm?objectid=11963136&method=full&siteid=50143

MILLIONS of people have watched this woman die. Yet none saw her face.

Only a handful of people know the real story which led to 35-year-old Zarmina being executed on the penalty spot in Kabul's Olympic Stadium in Afghanistan.

The image of this mother of five children being driven to her death in a Toyota pick-up for the crime of killing her husband shocked the world.

This anonymous woman being dragged across the pitch in front of 30,000 spectators and being made to kneel before the goalposts until the tall, thin Taliban rifleman blew out her brains.

The scene was recorded with a hidden video camera and smuggled into Pakistan by the brave women of RAWA, the Revolutionary Association of Women from Afghanistan.

Later, it marked the opening scenes of Beneath the Veil, Channel 4's award-winning documentary of life inside Afghanistan under the fanatical Taliban.

Here was the truth of life in a nation wracked by 23 years of war yet largely ignored until that day.

When the Mirror first published photographs of Zarmina's death in June last year we were inundated by calls and letters from readers.

Few knew of real life under the regime which came to power in 1996. September 11 changed all that.

But one, simple question remained unanswered. One which obsessed me from the moment I first saw that secret footage in spring last year.

If the claim that Zarmina had murdered her husband was true, what was the desperation, knowing the Taliban's brutality, which ultimately led her to her death?

And what, if anything, did it tell us about the life of women under the fanatics' yoke?

These were the questions which took me to Afghanistan. To a secret rendezvous. To a filthy prison. To a cemetery. To houses where doors slammed in my face. Where men with guns threatened to kill me if I continued asking questions.

FINALLY, last Friday, a thin airmail letter arrived on my desk, post-marked April 6.

It contained three pages of green biro notes ripped from a school exercise book, confirming details which myself and colleague Tom Newton Dunn discovered during two separate Afghan assignments.

It also held a tiny photograph, the size of a thumbnail, from a police file - the face of Zarmina, the woman beneath the veil.

The letter came from a young "fixer" I hired in Kabul. It followed a meeting I had arranged with a woman police inspector who had promised that somehow she would ensure Zarmina's real story was told. Rana Sayeed works at the central police station in Kabul. It was sheer chance that we first found her on a rain-lashed day in late February standing at the entrance to the women's jail.

Rana, a mother in her late 40s, appeared different from most Afghan women. She did not wear a burka. Her manner was loud and confident.

She spoke of her training as a detective and told how she was sent to Moscow by Afghanistan's former Soviet puppet regime.

Rana said she had been a police officer for some 20 years. "Even the Taliban needed some women to apply law and order," she said, suddenly lowering and shaking her head. "Even the Taliban..."

She took us across the mud-caked compound into the charred basement of the police HQ.

The room held two desks and one old typewriter. The air was still heavy with the stench of smoke from hundreds of fires the Taliban started in Kabul before they fled.

She asked us to wait until her boss gave her clearance. When eventually the newly-appointed chief of Kabul's police told her to give us every assistance, she began.

"At last Zarmina's story can be told," she said. "It is the story of one woman. But it is also the story of Afghan women under the Taliban, under brutes who turned our country into a zoo and our women into dogs.

"I thought Zarmina would die when they brought her here. They beat her for two days with steel cables until she confessed.

"But she was a tough one. As she lay on the floor of the cell, she pointed to her one-year-old twins - the girl Silsila and the boy Jawad - and said she would fight for life, fight as the mother of these babies.

"There were other children. Zarmina had a son Hawad, who was 11, and two beautiful daughters Shaista, 14, and Najeba just 16.

"It was her love for all of them which drove her to do what she did. The tragedy is that it made life a thousand times worse for them."

Zarmina, from northern Kabul, was married at 16. It was an arranged union but blossomed into love.

She was an attractive, feisty woman. Her Pashtun husband, Alauddin Khwazak, from the village of Paghman an hour's drive away, was a policeman who also owned a small general store.

It was a marriage which flowered in the face of war and seemed at first to survive the violence in Kabul.

But almost imperceptibly, perhaps inevitably, the relationship began to fall apart. Relentless bloodshed changed everyone. And it destroyed Zarmina's husband.

The bombings, mass rapes, and murders brutalised Khwazak's mind, infecting it with an insidious poison.

A NEIGHBOUR told me: "He had been a mild man but slowly he turned into a monster. Perhaps, as a policeman, he had seen too much.

"He'd rage. He became violent. He was mad with jealousy, convinced that Zarmina was seeing other men. It was rubbish. But his head was wrapped in madness."

When the Taliban took control of Kabul in September, 1996, they effectively handed Khwazak a licence for that madness.

For these fundamentalist "students" from the south, Kabul was Satan's playground. A place where women were allowed to wear miniskirts and attend high school and university. A world of sin.

Women had no rights in Taliban Afghanistan. They existed only to obey.

They were drones to bear children, cook and satisfy men. They were lashed for their high heels, had their fingertips amputated for revealing varnish and and were stoned to death for prostitution.

Two women charged with adultery were hanged from a crane. A boy of 10 was given a gun to shoot his father's killer and a girl of seven whipped for wearing white shoes.

Girls were forbidden to attend school and summary justice wrapped in a medieval robe was the creed. Ruthless in pursuit of purity and perfect proof that no crime is too awful if justified by religious belief.

Khwazak's moods matched the new doctrine. His brother, a dour and unforgiving man, hailed the Taliban's fundamentalism and fed his sibling's fevered brain.

Rana said: "Khwazak beat his wife every night. He abused her and her elder daughters. I don't know if there was sexual abuse, but it was something Zarmina could no longer bear. So she plotted with Najeba to kill him. And finally they did it."

The murder was carried out early one summer night five years ago.

Some say Zarmina put opium in Khwazak's food. Rana says she laced his meal with sleeping pills. As he fell into a drugged sleep Zarmina woke her daughter.

Rana said: "She told me that there, at the final moment, she couldn't do it."

It was Najeba who took the 10lb mason's hammer and killed her father with one blow to the head.

Rana said: "They ran from the house screaming that robbers had broken in and attacked Khwazak. They said the men were 'shadows in the night'.

"Some believed them, others weren't so sure. Zarmina's brother-in-law was the first to accuse and called the Taliban.

"They never found the hammer, but they got their confession. That was all that mattered.

"Zarmina said she was the murderer. That she acted alone. She stuck to that story all the time she was tortured. It was only two years later when she knew me well that she admitted the truth. And I wasn't going to tell anyone."

ZARMINA was taken to the central jail and held there with her twins for nearly three years.

Sometimes her mother would come with food. But she condemned her daughter for bringing shame on all of them and said she hated her.

She told Zarmina other women in jail would kill her. Yet it was those prisoners who helped keep her and her children alive.

Rana went on: "They'd give them scraps. I gave her a few blankets. Somehow she stayed alive.

"She was a brave woman and fought desperately against her fears. She told the Taliban she was a mother and that what she'd done was for her children."

Rana said: "She asked what would happen to her children without a mother? She pleaded with them to lash her and let her go to tend her precious kids.

"She had dreams in which her husband appeared. Then she said she knew she would die."

Zarmina's elder girls and son were given to her brother-in-law, according to tradition.

He was Taliban and demanded blood law refusing to let her escape death. Then, two months before the execution, he told Zarmina's mother he had sold Najeba and Shaista into sex slavery.

"That nearly killed Zarmina," said Rana. "Everything she'd done was for her children. Now it had taken her girls to a living hell.

"The brother-in-law even made sure she knew the price, 600,000 Pakistani rupees for Najeba and 300,000 for Shaista. Sold to a man from Khost."

Khost, seven hours south east of Kabul on the Pakistani border, is a name which echoes loud.

The city was a Taliban stronghold. The place where al-Qaeda had its main training camp and the tunnels from which Osama bin Laden issued his fatwa to kill Americans and their allies.

"Zarmina beat herself, smashed her head against the jail wall," said Rana. "Of course her daughters were sold to Taliban, but who? To Afghans? To fanatics? To bin Laden? She knew she'd never see them again."

Then, on November 15, 1999, the radio announced there would be an execution in two days time.

Zarmina knew nothing of this. She had spent nearly three years in jail and knew there would be punishment. But still she convinced herself they would not kill a mother.

EVEN when the guards came for her she said she expected to face 100 lashes, but no more.

She put on three dresses - two borrowed - underneath her burka, hoping they would soften the blows.

Rana said: "I was ordered to accompany her with two women police officers.

"We climbed into the pick-up with her and prayed together. I couldn't stand it. I left before the truck entered the stadium.

'And I'll tell you that after what happened next, those two colleagues never worked again. One had a nervous breakdown. The other is plagued by nightmares to this day." As the stadium crowd settled, an announcer described what was to happen: "Zarmina, daughter of Ghulam Hasnat, is to be executed for killing her husband with a hammer."

He falsely said the murder happened "five months ago". But the truth would not have fitted the Taliban creed of swift justice.

The reality was that her execution was delayed until a premium price was haggled and paid for her virgin daughters.

The video takes over. It first shows the Toyota twice circling the pitch, the driver parading his passenger before the spectators.

Zarmina, flanked by her two female escorts, sees little. Surgeons in masks stand to one side, ready for amputations which will follow the main event.

The next clip shows the two women guards escorting Zarmina to the goal area. She is told to sit. For the first time, the crowd of men, women and children falls silent. Slowly a tall Taliban steps forward. Zarmina tries to crawl away. What is not shown is the first shot.

The executioner's hands are shaking. The cries from the crowd to spare Zarmina unnerve him. Officials refuse all pleas for clemency. They claimed there were too many in the crowd who wanted to see death.

The first shot creases Zarmina's hair telling her at last what her fate would be. Her precious children brought for the spectacle can only stand and stare.

Zarmina cries out. She says she cannot sit or kneel without falling. "Someone take my arms," she pleads.

Her last request went unanswered. The gunman aimed his Kalashnikov again. And Zarmina was dead from a single 7.62mm bullet. The executioner turned away, blood law sated. He was Zarmina's brother-in-law. The man who sold her precious girls. The man who, Rana is sure, escaped to Pakistan with so many others. A man with money in his pocket.

ZARMINA'S body was taken to the Wazir Akbar Khan hospital.

Her body lay unclaimed in the mortuary for 20 days. Her mother, Shah Sultan, refused any responsibility, telling Rana: "She brought shame. She deserved what she got. She is not even a memory to me."

Zarmina was buried in an unmarked grave 300 yards from her unforgiving mother's home.

Rana took me to the cemetery in Khair Khana, in District 11, north Kabul. She stayed in the car while I tried to find the grave.

She said it was safer that way. That locals might object to her being in the company of foreign men. The gravediggers denied any knowledge of the executed woman. One man produced a gun and told myself and photographer Phil Spencer we had no business there.

Then a young fellow, perhaps 20 and dressed in a red blazer, drew up on his bike. "I know what you are looking for," he said.

"Everyone knows about Zarmina. They don't want trouble. They don't want reminding. But they are ashamed of what happened to that woman and her girls."

People know when a wrong has been done. But there was palpable fear that Afghanistan's turmoil would once again overwhelm them.

That the Taliban were all around. That they would return and exact vengeance upon anyone who might now question their actions.

The cyclist ignored those fears. He led us through the cemetery. A stark moonscape of a place. So little colour. So much misery. So many newly dead. Just scores of the thousands who died young in an incessant war.

My guide pointed out a mound with two stones facing each other flat on. The positioning meant it was a woman's grave.

But there was nothing else to determine whose it was. Just the anger of the gunman and other armed men nearby, the embarrassed faces of the gravediggers and the cyclist pointing and saying "This is Zarmina".

He refused my offer of money, saying "It is time Zarmina's story was told." And of course there are so many of these stories to be told.

"There were so many nightmares here," Rana said as we drove to The Herat, Kabul's best restaurant. The place is little better than a greasy spoon. But Rana would not enter.

"It's OK. You go, you sit. Just ask them to bring me some food in the car." That is how it still is in Afghanistan. The Taliban and their al-Qaeda allies may be put to rout but still women's rights are hardly a footnote on the agenda.

WE speak to a beggar woman by the restaurant door. She has three children all under five. Her husband is dead.

She tells me life should be better now. She receives about 50p a day.

She says all this through her burka. A Pushtun barges through the crowd, bends over her and strikes her head. "Get lost, you whore-bitch!" he shouts. And the woman scrambles away with her children.

I ask Bashir, our "fixer", why he did that. Was he related to the woman? "No. He's just a Taliban type. Any woman is ripe for a beating. They don't need an excuse."

We ate with Rana in the car. She said: "I remember another stadium execution where the man had 10 bullets in his body. His victim's family took turns to shoot him.

"I remember a woman the Taliban accused of having a walkie-talkie. There were 16 of them beating her with cable wires until she pissed blood. All the time they made sure her head and face were covered so they should not be tempted by her looks.

"I tell you I thank God for September 11. Not for the innocent deaths. But, without that day, we'd still be treated like animals.

"The whole place was run by Pakistanis and Arabs. No one dared say anything against them.

"It was the same the day Zarmina died. Everyone knew she did not deserve to die. But nobody said anything. Nobody dared."

Now some do dare to speak. Rana and Zarmina's neighbours tell me the twins, now six, and their brother Hawad,16, have been cast adrift.

Unwanted by their fleeing uncle. Unacknowledged by their grandmother. They beg, they rag-pick at the local dumps. But nothing has been seen of Najeba and Shaista.

Five children all lost because of a mother's desperation to give them a better life. "Yes," Rana repeated, "Zarmina's story must be told."

So, with that photograph arriving on my desk last week, it has been told. It cannot be the whole truth but from what we have found and checked, it is nothing but the truth.

The story of a woman beneath veils of violence, madness and terrible sadness. A woman so many saw die. But never knew how she had lived.

Voice of the Mirror

Obama's Afghan trip: 14,000 miles for brief remarks lacking one crucial word

By ANDREW MALCOLM
Posted 08:18 AM ET

Investors Business Daily

As usual with this president, Obama's trip to and speech from Afghanistan had way more to do with politics than any real substance.
Seven thousand miles, one way, is a long journey to share war remarks with countrymen that he should have and could have shared back home many months ago. Despite the administration's best backgrounding sales efforts, the document he signed with Afghan President Hamid Karzai is a meaningless basic agreement to talk later about forging a real agreement.
Nothing was essentially changed by what the media lovingly called his "secret trip" to the war zone, which was simply unannounced for security reasons.
The remarks (Scroll down for the full text, as usual) were well-written, even with literary flourishes about a new dawn coming as the president spoke at 4 a.m. Afghan time. He wanted to avoid any sense of "Mission Accomplished." And at 11 minutes, blessedly brief for the Real Good Talker.
Here's what Obama got politically from this stagecraft: Bonus public attention focused on the Osama bin Laden assassination anniversary. Photos of troops clamoring for his fist bumps. An entire day focused on him, his words and non-stop talk of the 10-year war winding down.
An entire news day, one of only 189 precious ones left before Nov. 6, not focused on Solyndras, prostitution scandals, GSA parties, $5 trillion in new national debt, no federal budget for three years running, high unemployment, sluggish growth, legal crucifixions nor Mitt Romney.
Nevermind the Kabul explosions, killing at least six, a couple of hours after his brief visit.
While Obama earned attention for a 2002 anti-Iraq war speech, the Afghan conflict has always been the "good war" in his eyes. Obama denounced President Bush's Iraq troop surge that ultimately enabled Obama to claim he ended that war, But Obama ordered two of his own, larger troop surges into Afghanistan.
Back in the hand-to-hand primary combat with Hillary Clinton in 2007-08, Obama controversially said he would bomb Pakistan if necessary to rout al Qaeda leaders. He did and they were. Just last week Obama loosened the reins on human targets the CIA could vaporize with its drones in Yemen, now emerging as terrorists' favored haunting grounds.
In the end, conservatives gave Obama more war support than his own Democrats, which neutralizes one of the GOP's traditional strong suits of national security.
But something began happening more than a year ago. Maybe you didn't notice with all the parochial D.C. bickering. But Obama and chief strategist David Axelrod did. Support for the war, initially fueled by revenge over 9/11, was waning. It still is.
Last month an ABC News-Washington Post Poll found for the first time a majority of Republicans felt the Afghan war has not been worth the cost. They join a larger majority of two-thirds of Americans who say the same.
Now, someone could suggest that had the current commander-in-chief done something, anything in the way of leadership, to explain and sell his hardline, erase-al-Qaeda stand, public support would be stronger. Had Obama made even 10% of the pretend, cross-country effort he invested in selling his DOA Buffet Rule, more Americans might have been more patient.
But Obama didn't. In fact, Tuesday night's speech from Kabul emphasizing withdrawal was his first substantive statement in eleven (11!) months. Nothing to the nation from its leader on an ongoing war for nearly one year, while finding time for 124 campaign fundraiser speeches, more golf games and vacations.
Those poll numbers were still pretty persuasive for a president who struggles to reach 50% approval in an election year. As a result, contrary to the recommendations of generals, Obama launched a significant withdrawal last year, which continues this year and has all combat troops out by the end of next year.
One little-noticed provision of the agreement Obama and Karzai signed Tuesday, however, is that American troops will remain in Afghanistan for not one, not two, not even three more years. They will be there for 12 more years, until 2024, helping. So, John McCain was correct after all about lengthy U.S. troop stationings.
In his speech last night the president noted the more than a half-million Americans who've served in Afghanistan. But in remarks that Obama wanted focused on an optimistic end to the conflict, he failed to mention the 1,957 Americans who've died there since 2001, 68% of them during his presidency. And 93 in the last 122 days.
Nor, as it turns out, could the politically-inclined president of the United States find room anywhere among his 1,556 words for the seven letters that could make his surges and all those sacrifices seem more worthwhile: "victory."


President Obama's remarks on the Afghanistan war, as provided by the White House
THE PRESIDENT: Good evening from Bagram Air Base. This outpost is more than 7,000 miles from home, but for over a decade it's been close to our hearts. Because here, in Afghanistan, more than half a million of our sons and daughters have sacrificed to protect our country.
Today, I signed a historic agreement between the United States and Afghanistan that defines a new kind of relationship between our countries -- a future in which Afghans are responsible for the security of their nation, and we build an equal partnership between two sovereign states; a future in which war ends, and a new chapter begins.
Tonight, I'd like to speak to you about this transition. But first, let us remember why we came here. It was here, in Afghanistan, where Osama bin Laden established a safe haven for his terrorist organization. It was here, in Afghanistan, where al Qaeda brought new recruits, trained them, and plotted acts of terror. It was here, from within these borders, that al Qaeda launched the attacks that killed nearly 3,000 innocent men, women and children.
And so, 10 years ago, the United States and our allies went to war to make sure that al Qaeda could never again use this country to launch attacks against us. Despite initial success, for a number of reasons, this war has taken longer than most anticipated. In 2002, bin Laden and his lieutenants escaped across the border and established safe haven in Pakistan. America spent nearly eight years fighting a different war in Iraq. And al Qaeda’s extremist allies within the Taliban have waged a brutal insurgency.
But over the last three years, the tide has turned. We broke the Taliban’s momentum. We’ve built strong Afghan security forces. We devastated al Qaeda’s leadership, taking out over 20 of their top 30 leaders. And one year ago, from a base here in Afghanistan, our troops launched the operation that killed Osama bin Laden. The goal that I set -- to defeat al Qaeda and deny it a chance to rebuild -- is now within our reach.
Still, there will be difficult days ahead. The enormous sacrifices of our men and women are not over. But tonight, I’d like to tell you how we will complete our mission and end the war in Afghanistan.
First, we've begun a transition to Afghan responsibility for security. Already, nearly half of the Afghan people live in places where Afghan security forces are moving into the lead. This month, at a NATO Summit in Chicago, our coalition will set a goal for Afghan forces to be in the lead for combat operations across the country next year. International troops will continue to train, advise and assist the Afghans, and fight alongside them when needed. But we will shift into a support role as Afghans step forward.
As we do, our troops will be coming home. Last year, we removed 10,000 U.S. troops from Afghanistan. Another 23,000 will leave by the end of the summer. After that, reductions will continue at a steady pace, with more and more of our troops coming home. And as our coalition agreed, by the end of 2014 the Afghans will be fully responsible for the security of their country.
Second, we are training Afghan security forces to get the job done. Those forces have surged, and will peak at 352,000 this year. The Afghans will sustain that level for three years, and then reduce the size of their military. And in Chicago, we will endorse a proposal to support a strong and sustainable long-term Afghan force.
Third, we’re building an enduring partnership. The agreement we signed today sends a clear message to the Afghan people: As you stand up, you will not stand alone. It establishes the basis for our cooperation over the next decade, including shared commitments to combat terrorism and strengthen democratic institutions. It supports Afghan efforts to advance development and dignity for their people. And it includes Afghan commitments to transparency and accountability, and to protect the human rights of all Afghans -- men and women, boys and girls.
Within this framework, we’ll work with the Afghans to determine what support they need to accomplish two narrow security missions beyond 2014 -- counter-terrorism and continued training. But we will not build permanent bases in this country, nor will we be patrolling its cities and mountains. That will be the job of the Afghan people.
Fourth, we’re pursuing a negotiated peace. In coordination with the Afghan government, my administration has been in direct discussions with the Taliban. We’ve made it clear that they can be a part of this future if they break with al Qaeda, renounce violence and abide by Afghan laws. Many members of the Taliban -- from foot soldiers to leaders -- have indicated an interest in reconciliation. The path to peace is now set before them. Those who refuse to walk it will face strong Afghan security forces, backed by the United States and our allies.
Fifth, we are building a global consensus to support peace and stability in South Asia. In Chicago, the international community will express support for this plan and for Afghanistan’s future. And I have made it clear to its neighbor -- Pakistan -- that it can and should be an equal partner in this process in a way that respects Pakistan’s sovereignty, interests and democratic institutions. In pursuit of a durable peace, America has no designs beyond an end to al Qaeda safe havens and respect for Afghan sovereignty.
As we move forward, some people will ask why we need a firm timeline. The answer is clear: Our goal is not to build a country in America’s image, or to eradicate every vestige of the Taliban. These objectives would require many more years, many more dollars, and most importantly, many more American lives. Our goal is to destroy al Qaeda, and we are on a path to do exactly that. Afghans want to assert their sovereignty and build a lasting peace. That requires a clear timeline to wind down the war.
Others will ask, why don’t we leave immediately? That answer is also clear: We must give Afghanistan the opportunity to stabilize. Otherwise, our gains could be lost and al Qaeda could establish itself once more. And as Commander-in-Chief, I refuse to let that happen.
I recognize that many Americans are tired of war. As President, nothing is more wrenching than signing a letter to a family of the fallen, or looking into the eyes of a child who will grow up without a mother or father. I will not keep Americans in harm’s way a single day longer than is absolutely required for our national security. But we must finish the job we started in Afghanistan and end this war responsibly.
My fellow Americans, we’ve travelled through more than a decade under the dark cloud of war. Yet here, in the pre-dawn darkness of Afghanistan, we can see the light of a new day on the horizon. The Iraq war is over. The number of our troops in harm’s way has been cut in half, and more will soon be coming home. We have a clear path to fulfill our mission in Afghanistan, while delivering justice to al Qaeda.
This future is only within reach because of our men and women in uniform. Time and again, they have answered the call to serve in distant and dangerous places. In an age when so many institutions have come up short, these Americans stood tall. They met their responsibilities to one another, and to the flag they serve under. I just met with some of them and told them that as Commander-in-Chief, I could not be prouder. And in their faces, we see what is best in ourselves and our country.
Our soldiers, our sailors, our airmen, Marines, Coast Guardsmen and civilians in Afghanistan have done their duty. Now we must summon that same sense of common purpose. We must give our veterans and military families the support they deserve, and the opportunities they have earned. And we must redouble our efforts to build a nation worthy of their sacrifice.
As we emerge from a decade of conflict abroad and economic crisis at home, it’s time to renew America -- an America where our children live free from fear and have the skills to claim their dreams. A united America of grit and resilience, where sunlight glistens off soaring new towers in downtown Manhattan, and we build our future as one people, as one nation.
Here in Afghanistan, Americans answered the call to defend their fellow citizens and uphold human dignity. Today, we recall the fallen and those who suffered wounds, both seen and unseen. But through dark days, we have drawn strength from their example and the ideals that have guided our nation and led the world -- a belief that all people are treated equal and deserve the freedom to determine their destiny. That is the light that guides us still.
This time of war began in Afghanistan and this is where it will end. With faith in each other and our eyes fixed on the future, let us finish the work at hand and forge a just and lasting peace.
May God bless our troops, and may God bless the United States of America.









obama